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    Do you have stock? Ankara: Yetkin Yayinevi Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, Vol.

    Economic Adjustment in New Democracies - Lessons from Southern Europe

    Reprinted in Susannah Verney and Kostas Ifantis, eds. London and New York: Routledge The Bridge, No. Globalizations, Vol. Journal of International Trade and Diplomacy, Vol. In Peter Burnell, ed. London: Routledge, Warwick Studies on Globalization In Dietrich Jung, ed. New York: Palgrave In Hakan Yavuz, ed. Fuat Keyman and A. Journal of International Affairs. MedObs Paper, No:4, available at www. East European Politics and Societies, Vol.

    A somewhat different version of the paper appeared in David Lesch, ed. Journal of Democracy. Reprinted in Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner and Daniel Brumberg, eds. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press London: Frank Cass Canadian Journal of Development Studies.


    • Table of contents.
    • Economic adjustment in new democracies : lessons from Southern Europe;
    • Economic Adjustment in New Democracies - Lessons from Southern Europe!
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    • ISBN 13: 9780312173685.
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    • Vol 24, No. Emerging Markets Finance and Trade. Comparative Politics. Contemporary Politics, Vol. Ercan "Turkish Privatization: Institutions and Dilemmas ". Journal of European Integration History, Vol. Government and Opposition, Vol. Journal of International Affairs, Vol. Abramowitz, ed. Third World Quarterly, Vol 21, No. Reprinted in R. Tandon, ed. New Delhi: B. Mediterranean Quarterly, Vol.

      viczbracdispho.tk In Vojtech Mastny and Craig Nation, eds. Leiden: Brill, Journal of Economic Issues. In July , Mexico ended 71 years of one-party, authoritarian rule and has since surprised many at home and abroad by evolving into a stable and lively two-party democracy. These conditions allow for the incongruous coexistence of formal democratic rights such as free and contested elections with gross civil and human rights violations.

      An American Foreign Policy Success? If you believe what you hear in Washington, American support for democracy in Latin America is the central factor explaining the persistence of democracy in the region. This view has been popularized by the Bush administration and its cheerleaders in the media in an effort to lend some legitimacy to the ongoing democratization crusade in the Middle East.

      But a cursory review of U. During the late s, Carter quadrupled the budget of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and in his travels to Latin America he encouraged military leaders to transfer power to democratically elected leaders. By contrast, the Reagan administration cultivated cordial relations with South American military leaders.

      Roberto Viola of Argentina, whose regime was credibly held responsible for thousands of desaparecidos the disappeared , a euphemism for murder. Reagan officials paid courtesy visits to Gen. Augusto Pinochet in Chile, whom they regarded as a staunch Cold War ally. It was only after the collapse of the Argentine military junta in , following the Malvinas or Falklands War, when the push for democratization throughout South America attained momentum, that Washington began pressuring Pinochet to hold free elections.

      Bibliographic Information

      Throughout the late s, the United States was militarily involved in Central America, ostensibly with the intent of protecting democracy, even though the regimes it propped up included those of El Salvador and Honduras, democratic in name only. During the administration of the senior George Bush, the United States assisted in negotiations that ended civil wars throughout Central America and paved the way for free elections. The Clinton administration gave further credibility to U. President Clinton also intervened militarily in Haiti to restore the presidency of Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

      For its part, the second Bush administration has generally ignored Latin America, something of a surprise since as a candidate in , George W. Bush touted his friendship with President Vicente Fox of Mexico as evidence of his capacity to work with other world leaders. However, little progress has been evident on issues of prime concern to Latin American governments: drugs, immigration, and trade.

      It has not helped that the Bush administration nominated Otto J. Reich, a highly controversial figure in Latin American diplomatic circles, as assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs. This background earned Reich widespread condemnation in Latin American capitals. More recently, there have been other missteps by the Bush White House. Equally ill-gauged was the arm-twisting by the Bush White House in spring in seeking support from Chile and Mexico, two Latin American members of the U.

      Security Council, for a resolution authorizing the use of force against Iraq. Washington seemed to expect leaders of these countries to ignore popular sentiment, which in both cases was overwhelmingly against the war. Congress would be delayed indefinitely. They include, notably, a successful economy, stable and well-organized political institutions, and a robust civil society.

      But these explanations, which dominate the work of democratization experts and international development organizations, are of surprisingly limited utility. Indeed, the Latin American experience with democracy turns these conventional explanations on their head.