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Learn more. The main argument is that the influence of central planning is deeply embedded in the institutions of the Four Asian Tigers, but globalisation and economic liberalisation are disrupting the old developmentalism by incentivising innovation and structural adaptability. In practice, although developmentalism once focused on infrastructure and industrial policy, softer strategies such as attracting educated millennials through urban amenities and creative clustering mimic those of the postindustrial West.

Government documents are examined and findings compared. Since the s, an interconnected manifestation of globalisation has shifted the competitive interface from countries to multinational firms, which have utilised national comparative advantages in production to develop global supply chains.

The current environment does not resemble the midcentury context in which East Asian developmentalism emerged, especially regarding industrial policy.

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This article proceeds on the basis of four premises that progressively constitute a broader argument. Third, this economic transition comes at a time when many local governments enjoy greater power to design and implement development policies, through decentralisation and devolution reforms now common across East and Southeast Asia. Manufacturing conglomerates no longer monopolise innovation, and this has implications for how urban growth policy treats firms and individual citizens. This article's empirical study focuses on two cases, Singapore and Seoul. However, this research focuses on urban rather than national scale, enhancing the validity of Singapore as a comparator for cities that have increased autonomy to adopt development policies.

This article is organised into three parts. First, a literature review explores the concept of clustering for creative industries and innovation and situates the concept within studies about EEs. The conclusion describes how the findings can be incorporated into urban policies given shifting demographic dynamics and closes with a proposal for further research. This literature review addresses clustering in creative industries, with a focus on the role of public policy in encouraging EEs in Asia.

In examining the influence of marketising activities such as entrepreneurship on the Asian developmental state, this study is rooted in discussions about capital accumulation and neoliberalism in the urban context. This topic has been robustly explored in the Marxist geography literature and other critical readings of global capitalism e. This review identifies issues most pertinent to the subsequent empirical analysis and is divided into three sections: clustering and innovation, EEs in the urban context, and Asian cases.

With the growth of the United States' technology sector and the emergence of tech clusters in cities and near universities, longstanding agglomeration theory has newfound currency for case types across shifting geographic, industrial, and social settings. Studies of clusters focus often on innovation as a driver of firm competitiveness and within that frame on the facilitation of innovative activity by government policies, corporate culture, and physical settings.

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Other U. Scholars have attempted to understand this phenomenon by studying EEs as environments in which entrepreneurs operate, innovate, and collaborate. Later work focused on EEs as a process occurring naturally in the course of economic growth. Likewise, Neck, Meyer, Cohen, and Corbett argue in a study of Boulder, Colorado, that the unique relationship between culture, infrastructure, and networks promotes endogenous entrepreneurial activity.

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Related literature has focused on particular types of actors within EEs. This omission is problematic considering the role cities and local governance play in EEs. Nylund and Cohen argue that the research on EEs has focused on particular geographic contexts such as suburban tech parks and regional economies. Notably, the popularity of tech parks has been superseded by that of tech neighborhoods as urban innovation districts. According to Mulas, Minges, and Applebaum , the recent shift in innovation activities away from suburban tech parks to centre cities underscores the relevance of demographic dynamics such as density, proximity, and diversity; this is reminiscent of Florida's argument that urban amenities provide a setting for social connections.

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Mulas et al. This overlaps with the cultural, social, and material attributes of Canadian EEs identified by Spigel Embracing agglomeration theory, Asia's developmental governments have adopted the strategy of clustering to promote growth. At the same time, the emergence of EEs in Asia is rooted in the region's development history and offers a context for understanding how government intervention can either cultivate or obstruct entrepreneurship. According to Yun, Cooke, and Park , process innovation in technology, led by the Four Asian Tigers Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Hong Kong , played a role in promoting economic clustering in Asian countries while emphasising the social aspects of enterprise.

In China, the state continues to be embedded in entrepreneurial activity through funding linked with strategic industrial policies Kenderdine, Kshetri argues in an examination of EEs in Korea that institutional reforms are needed at both the national and private sector levels, including on immigration policy.

This review has explored three broad concepts, at the intersection of which this article makes its contribution. First, the application of agglomeration and clustering theories to tech parks and now increasingly to urban innovation districts establishes a crucial theoretical underpinning for the examination of EEs and related policies. Second, the presence of entrepreneurial economies in cities reflects a complex environment in which commercial, social, and geographic factors overlap to form an embedded setting that is at once flexible and difficult to engineer through policy.

Finally, studies of EEs in urban Asia help to situate innovation and knowledge economies in a policy context that has a deep legacy of state intervention. For a detailed description of the relative merits of case studies and comparative studies on efforts to build theory in the field of political sciences, see Eckstein Due to the embedded and complex nature of the variables in this study, including policy orientation towards developmentalism and entrepreneurship and the interaction of the latter with the network and social aspects of entrepreneurship, the case study method is justified for its ability to capture situational and phenomenological complexity Yin, The approach of this article is sensitive to one of the common misunderstandings of case study research identified by Flyvbjerg : that generalisability is not possible from a single case.

The use of a comparative case study in this article should not be interpreted as an effort to address this concern; utilising two cases does not claim to improve the generalisability of findings. Rather, it intends to explore differing contexts in which the theoretical argument can be more deeply explored.

The implications of this transformation are prompting governments to revisit legacy growth models that favour intervention in markets and the establishment and survival of large domestic firms. The decentralised nature of innovation and the mechanisms by which innovation is diffused presage a new type of clustering. Present in this dynamic environment is a network of subsystems that provide the connective tissue through which entrepreneurs interact, influence policies and markets, and generate economic value.

This comparative case study focuses on government interventions that address entrepreneurship through the lens of subsystems in two of Asia's most dynamic and successful urban economies, Singapore and Seoul. Underlying Singapore's historically rapid economic growth was diligent and targeted industrial policy. According to Luger , p. Such work includes Barr's study of Singapore's historical development in the context of elite circles of government insiders.

This is particularly evident where urban planning complements industrial development through infrastructure provision and land use designations. Numerous examples of knowledge clustering exhibit Singapore's continuing statist orientation. The Urban Renewal Authority has established creative clusters and technological test beds throughout the city, with the process of siting clusters remaining centrally planned.

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The newly established Punggol Creative Cluster and Learning Corridor was planned around a newly formed university Singapore Institute of Technology and designed with an emphasis on urban liveability Urban Redevelopment Authority, A perceived optimum combination of actor types is supported in principle by the proximity of universities and research centres. The physical placement of these districts also serves Singapore's broader goals to evenly distribute economic activity across the island, with the Jurong Innovation District in the West, Changi Business Park in East, Punggol Creative Cluster in the North, and Blk71 in the South.

State intervention is, for example, evident in Punggol, where the Singapore Institute of Technology was formed in and the cluster's location confirmed in Davie, The key finding is that Singapore's efforts to nurture EEs reflect an economic instrumentalisation of what has been a largely endogenous process elsewhere. The theoretical implication is whether the developmentalist model and its offshoots remain relevant and effective amidst shifting global economic forces, particularly as innovation becomes more social and organic than corporate and planned.

To Siberia, of course. It attempts to understand the origins and subsequent development of North Korean society prior to the Korean War of by making use of the theory of state capitalism.


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Long live the great Generalissimo Stalin, liberator, supporter, benefactor and friend of the Korean people. The people of North Korea recognise that their liberation and development has been achieved only as a result of your affectionate consideration and the assistance of the Red Army, and they offer their greatest respect to you. The reality is not only that Soviet troops liberated the northern part of the Korean peninsula from Japanese rule by occupying it in mid-August , but the Soviet Union continued to exercise close control over North Korea for at least the next five years.

As Lankov points out, even seemingly small matters such as the staging of a parade in required approval from Moscow. As Kim Ha-yong emphasises, the Soviet Union did not simply stumble into this position at the end of the Second World War—it had been aware of the strategic importance of the Korean peninsula for some time, and negotiated with the Allied powers at Potsdam and Yalta with an eye to gaining a strategic foothold in north east Asia and regaining the territory and concessions in the region lost by Tsarist Russia after its defeat in the Russo-Japanese war.

The basis for Soviet policy towards the Korean peninsula was not revolutionary internationalism but the desire for imperialist expansion. Under this order the US divided east Asia into Soviet and US occupation zones, unilaterally splitting the Korean peninsula at the 38th parallel.

In the Soviets were at pains not to upset the Americans, and dutifully observed the line arbitrarily set down across the peninsula. Both sides must have known that this actually meant the long-term division of the country into two halves, and from early on they began to construct their own systems within their zones of occupation. What of the occupation itself then? It is not only prominent left nationalist Koreans like Kang Jeong-koo who see this aspect as positive—the American historian Bruce Cumings also argues that:. The Soviets had pursued a highly cost-effective strategy in creating a regime that was responsive both to their minimum demand—a friendly border state—and to the desires of the mass of Koreans in the liberation era… [This was] quite in contrast to the American occupation.

This method looked better and offered more stability than using the old Japanese-staffed administrative organs. She writes:.

The Japanese surrender created a power vacuum, and people became excited with the hopes of constructing a new state. All over the country organs of self-government were created. The situation in the northern part of the peninsula was not particularly different to other areas. The northern part of the peninsula was also the industrial heartland of the country, with an estimated 1 million workers out of a total population of 10 million in Crucially, Kim argues that the big difference in popular resistance to occupation between the Soviet-dominated North and the US-occupied South can be accounted for not by the relative benevolence of the Soviets but by the swiftness of their arrival in the North:.

Policy Lessons from Korea’s Economic Growth and Development - WBGx on edX

The Soviets nipped in the bud popular movements that might otherwise have broadened further. This provides us with one of the answers to the question of why it was that the mass struggles that erupted so fiercely in the South immediately after liberation did not occur in the North.

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The masses of the North had to face the Soviet occupation army before they had even had a chance to wake up properly. Whereas the US army was not stationed in the South of the peninsula until 8 September, the Soviets had started to advance into the North on 12 August. As Kim writes:. Other aspects of the Soviet occupation also made it clear that this was an imperialist occupation.

In fact, as with the current US adventure in Iraq, economic interests were not too far behind military and geopolitical ones. Soviet economic plunder of the North took a number of forms: the enforced use of Soviet-issued military certificates as currency; continuous demands to the nascent North Korean government for money for the upkeep of the Soviet military; the removal of large quantities of industrial plant from factories and other facilities in North Korea; aid directed towards industries producing goods for them to be taken back to the Soviet Union; and extremely unequal trade terms.

Like the occupying army of any imperialist nation, the Soviet soldiers did not treat the Koreans as their equals, and cases of looting, theft, rape and murder committed by soldiers were common, especially in the early period of the occupation.


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  • Kim Ha-yong describes how in this context there were two significant uprisings against the occupiers. These, she argues, were genuine expressions of popular anger towards the Soviet occupation and the increasingly arrogant behaviour of their Korean Communist allies, not anti-Communist demonstrations organised by the far right as people on the nationalist left in South Korea have argued.

    The first incident occurred in November at Sinuiju in the north west when hundreds of middle and high school students in the city marched to the courthouse, currently occupied by the local headquarters of the Communist Party, to protest at interference by the party in local schools. The students attempted to occupy the building themselves but were savagely attacked by the poandae and Soviet troops, with the loss of between 15 and 24 lives. Although Kim Il-sung is said to have been very worried by the incident and heavily criticised the local Communist Party, the resistance spread to the city of Hamhung in March of Once again students were at the forefront, but this time the demonstration took on a more explicitly anti-Soviet complexion, with calls for the Soviet troops to go home and stop taking local rice while the Koreans were starving.

    When the students attempted to attack the local Communist Party offices they were again brutally repulsed by Soviet troops and the poandae, and as went on the jails of North Korea were filled with the enemies of the new state. Whether people like the North or not, the belief that North Korea is socialist has been a continuous feature of the last few decades [in South Korea].

    The reform took place in the space of only 20 days during spring , and consisted of land confiscation without compensation and free land distribution to the former tenant farmers:. Pro-Japanese landlords, those owning more than hectares and other landlords not working their own fields had all their land confiscated, completely liquidating the tenant farming system in a stroke… Thus, by eliminating the old parasitic landlord class, the state bureaucrats were able to create the conditions for the effective exploitation of the peasantry and workers.